They emphasize the inevitable role played by institutions such as executive, legislature and judiciary to the degree that they coin modernization with building institutions. In the studies of political systems, modernization scholars ( Parsons, 1964) advocate that political systems could go through change, however not drastic, and are able to adapt to it by both institutionalization and functioning bureaucracy. The discrepancy between those who survived and the ones which failed motivated scholars, analysts, observers and even critics to try to find out what went wrong in the failed states and what held Egypt and Tunisia and moved both forward as entities and warranted identities. Some of the states, on top of which are Tunisia and Egypt, were able to survive, while others, such as Libya, Yemen and Syria, almost failed to cope with these dramatic changes. In fact, such changes presented a serious challenge to both the entity and the identity of the state to the extent that in some cases there was almost disarray. Arab States, accordingly, were exposed to drastic changes caused by the imbalance which took place among competing political forces. Upper-middle class young Arabs went in millions into the streets in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen and Syria. The full terms of this licence may be seen at Īrab revolutions, starting with Tunisia in December 2010, took the world by surprise and almost a shock after years of despotic regimes and deep conviction that Arab masses are incapable of comprehending or motivating change. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Published in Review of Economics and Political Science. Copyright © 2019, Abdulmonem Almashat and Salwa Thabet.
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